By Pierre R. Dasen, Ramesh C. Mishra
Selfish spatial language makes use of coordinates in terms of our physique to discuss small-scale house ('put the knife at the correct of the plate and the fork at the left'), whereas geocentric spatial language makes use of geographic coordinates ('put the knife to the east, and the fork to the west'). How do young children discover ways to use geocentric language? And why do geocentric spatial references sound unusual in English after they are normal perform in different languages? This publication stories baby improvement in Bali, India, Nepal, and Switzerland and explores how teenagers learn how to use a geocentric body either whilst conversing and appearing non-verbal cognitive initiatives (such as remembering destinations and directions). The authors study how those talents increase with age, examine the socio-cultural contexts within which the educational happens, and discover the ecological, cultural, social, and linguistic stipulations that favour using a geocentric body of reference.
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Additional resources for Development of Geocentric Spatial Language and Cognition: An Eco-cultural Perspective
10) summarize this opposition in the following way: Linguistic representations depend on particular spatial systems, each displaying its own internal organization, but perceptual or cognitive processes contributing to our spatial representations have been assumed to be universal and independent of language. A major debate now opposes two contrasted views. The first assumes that linguistic and non-linguistic spatial representations are relatively independent from one another, the second that they are intimately related.
Very young GY children (4 years) use intrinsic words (in, on, off, out) and up/down. “Left” and “right” as projective terms do not exist in the GY language, and front/back are used only in relation to motion, not position. By age 7, the children are using a locally anchored frame of reference, and by 9–10 years, contrasts of terms are built up. However, only three out of twenty-six children had acquired the full-fledged system of four GY cardinal terms, and these three children (aged 10 to 12) had learned it from their grandparents, who insisted on the importance of learning the traditional form of the language.
One of the main questions in both Levinson’s research and ours deals with the consequences of using one FoR rather than another, particularly for nonÂ�linguistic cognitive tasks. Levinson (2003) asks this question at the group level:Â€if a language shows a strong preference for one of the frames, do speakers of that language tend to use that frame also in non-linguistic tasks? Research by Levinson’s group provides overwhelming evidence that they do. A whole series of non-verbal tasks has been devised for this purpose, in the specific area of spatial coding in memory.